The evening before last, while relaxing amidst the casual Middle Eastern ambiance in the Ibdaa restaurant, four stories above the raucous, bustling streets surrounding Dheisheh, I experienced my first Levantine downpour. The sun had just set over Al Khadr in the south and there was a faint golden glow cast over the camp as a blanket of gray clouds moved in from west over the Meditteranean. Out of the corner of my eye I could see the jagged, pinkish rods of lightning striking just over the hills south of Dheisheh, and they were moving right towards us.
As the electrical front moved nearer to the camp the accompanying thunder began to rattle my interest, and with every momentary jolt of raw energy I couldn't help but make verbal exclamations out of sheer excitement. Pretty soon, the heart of the storm was on top of the camp and I could hear the slight tapping on Ibdaa's aluminum roof soon turn into a heavy cocophony of resonant sounds from the rain connecting with the variety of surfaces above and below. As I peered down to the shimmering streets the pungent smell of at least 6 months of dirt and grime began to fill the air. The storm was shortlived, but in combination with the cooler temperatures descending on the area every night as of late, we are sure that the significant seasonal changes are upon us.
There is another storm that seems to be looming over the region, more existential in terms of the Palestine question, and which is certainly rearing tumultuous and tangible elsewhere in the Arab world. "Middle East Peace?", read the headlines from Al Jazeera to Yahoo News, and although Ms. Rice, who made a visit just a few miles from here two days ago seems "optimistic", the future resolution of this nearly 60 year conflict is still unclear as ever.
I am moving into an area where 'the truth lies somewhere in the middle' approach just doesn't seem very truthful based on my experience here. I want to help you understand why by hearing the sentiments of two individuals which are far more noteworthy than my own, from one Israeli and one Palestinian whom I have had the chance to listen to recently.
An Israeli academic, activist and longtime friend of my mentor here, visited Ibdaa recently. He shared with us his overall perceptions about the formulation of the conflict, the reasons behind the failed peace processes, the apparent fundamental agenda of the occupying power, the question of the illegal settlements, and how the prospects for peace have changed drastically in the last few years, among other impressions. Many of his points stood out to me, and though I wish that I could offer you the complete recording, soundbites are all that I can offer here. This Israeli friend started at the beginning, and framed the conversation with the idea of a "strategic conception" underlying the emergence of the Israeli State, which is perhaps this conflicts most permanent inner contradiction - how to build Eretz Israel (the name for all of Palestine in the Jewish religion) as an exclusive Jewish state in spite of the presence of the indigenous Arabs.
The early Israeli leadership, at least Israel's prime architect, David Ben-Gurion, had no reservations about his assertion that, "The Arabs will have to go." Could it be possible that peace has never been acheived not because Israel "has no partner in peace", which is the status quo interpretation, but because peace goes against Israel's prime objective, to acquire as much of Palestine as possible? Ariel Sharon, the former Prime Minister, stated at one point that "the war of 1948 is not finished", which in simple terms was a war to determine the future borders of Israel. Particular ideologues in the Zionist leadership have as their supreme objective to Judaize all of historical Palestine and fixing borders, which has been one of the principle issues of the ongoing peace negotiations, would be an end to that process. It has been and continues to be a process of colonization and disposession, beginning with the systematic "ethnic cleansing" of Palestinians between the years of 1947-48, and it is unlikely that peace will take hold here until such a process ends.
So what would a future Palestinian state look like? Since the Oslo years (1990's) the hardline leadership has supported a 'cheese-block' policy. On the ground this has meant that Israel continues to build illegal settlements scattered across the West Bank, in essence cantonizing the Arab areas and in some cases completely surrounding them. Condaleeza Rice has taken objection to this, and rightly so, by asserting that it will be impossible for Palestinians to have a state if there is no continuity to their territory. Because a "Palestinian continuity is an Israeli discontinuity", the plan has metamorphosed into a contiguous model, meaning a 3-dimensional approach to the problem by building tunnels, bridges, and exclusive access roads around the Palestinian areas.
I want to highlight just two more points that our friend shared with us, the Wall and Israeli domestic support for peace. First, it was mentioned that the Wall has become very popular across the board in Israel, not only for security reasons, but by literally concretizing the idea of separation. Out of sight out of mind, as it were. The issue of Palestine has in the last several years become more of a nuisance to Israelis than much else, like a bout of excema that can cause some discomfort occasionally, but nothing a little cream can't soothe. Although most Americans may not be aware of it, in the 90's Israeli public opinion was in favor of peace via giving some attention to the Palestinian demands, namely statehood. Unfortunately, the Oslo process failed horribly during this period, which historians have now categorically proven was a result of Israeli manipulation and false commitments rather than Palestinian sabotage, and as a result of the frustration and worsening of conditions in the West Bank and Gaza, violence against Israel spiked. Now, years after the second Intifada, the number of Israelis who support peace with the Palestinians has become a very tiny minority, and mobilizing Israeli solidarity for the Palestinian cause might as well be a foregone conclusion aside from a very brave and forwar-thinking few.
This conflict is understandably complicated, though perhaps more in the differing perceptions it has imbibed than in the actual facts on the ground. In the last thirty years a wealth of archived material has surfaced from personal diaries, correspondence, and formal statements from the Israeli and Palestinian leadership, leading to the emergence of what has been termed the "new history" of the Israel/Palestine issue. This historical analysis has remained elusive in the US, but with this material historians from both communities have pieced together what they believe is a more accurate interpretation of historical events, and the above statements are born out of this area.
To understand the perceptions of the 'peace process' from the average Palestinian is perhaps most important, for these are the resilient people living under the occupation on a daily basis. Hope is a feeling that no one I have met here wants to relinquish, yet it was shared with me by a friend that to assume that they have anything to gain from the most recent peace effort would be exceedingly optimistic. The push for the Annapolis conference can be viewed more realistically as a temporary effort to appease the more significant players in the Middle East, such as Iran and Syria, and will very likely have little affect on the lives of the average Palestinians. The current peace process will most likely be based on the decades-old overwhelming power imbalance and the outcome will again be determined by Israel, with the US acting in a very limited way as a broker, though hardly the 'honest broker' that this conflict deserves.
There are hundreds of examples occurring on a daily basis, and endless more reaching back more than 60 years, that can express the challenges of living within an armed conflict environment. I have described my experiences at the checkpoints before, as well as a number of stories from others. These were my only frames of reference for understanding what life is like under occupation, but that all changed last night. Unfortunately, you just might have to wait for the next installment to come to know my first experience of a military incursion into the Dheisheh Refugee Camp.
As the electrical front moved nearer to the camp the accompanying thunder began to rattle my interest, and with every momentary jolt of raw energy I couldn't help but make verbal exclamations out of sheer excitement. Pretty soon, the heart of the storm was on top of the camp and I could hear the slight tapping on Ibdaa's aluminum roof soon turn into a heavy cocophony of resonant sounds from the rain connecting with the variety of surfaces above and below. As I peered down to the shimmering streets the pungent smell of at least 6 months of dirt and grime began to fill the air. The storm was shortlived, but in combination with the cooler temperatures descending on the area every night as of late, we are sure that the significant seasonal changes are upon us.
There is another storm that seems to be looming over the region, more existential in terms of the Palestine question, and which is certainly rearing tumultuous and tangible elsewhere in the Arab world. "Middle East Peace?", read the headlines from Al Jazeera to Yahoo News, and although Ms. Rice, who made a visit just a few miles from here two days ago seems "optimistic", the future resolution of this nearly 60 year conflict is still unclear as ever.
I am moving into an area where 'the truth lies somewhere in the middle' approach just doesn't seem very truthful based on my experience here. I want to help you understand why by hearing the sentiments of two individuals which are far more noteworthy than my own, from one Israeli and one Palestinian whom I have had the chance to listen to recently.
An Israeli academic, activist and longtime friend of my mentor here, visited Ibdaa recently. He shared with us his overall perceptions about the formulation of the conflict, the reasons behind the failed peace processes, the apparent fundamental agenda of the occupying power, the question of the illegal settlements, and how the prospects for peace have changed drastically in the last few years, among other impressions. Many of his points stood out to me, and though I wish that I could offer you the complete recording, soundbites are all that I can offer here. This Israeli friend started at the beginning, and framed the conversation with the idea of a "strategic conception" underlying the emergence of the Israeli State, which is perhaps this conflicts most permanent inner contradiction - how to build Eretz Israel (the name for all of Palestine in the Jewish religion) as an exclusive Jewish state in spite of the presence of the indigenous Arabs.
The early Israeli leadership, at least Israel's prime architect, David Ben-Gurion, had no reservations about his assertion that, "The Arabs will have to go." Could it be possible that peace has never been acheived not because Israel "has no partner in peace", which is the status quo interpretation, but because peace goes against Israel's prime objective, to acquire as much of Palestine as possible? Ariel Sharon, the former Prime Minister, stated at one point that "the war of 1948 is not finished", which in simple terms was a war to determine the future borders of Israel. Particular ideologues in the Zionist leadership have as their supreme objective to Judaize all of historical Palestine and fixing borders, which has been one of the principle issues of the ongoing peace negotiations, would be an end to that process. It has been and continues to be a process of colonization and disposession, beginning with the systematic "ethnic cleansing" of Palestinians between the years of 1947-48, and it is unlikely that peace will take hold here until such a process ends.
So what would a future Palestinian state look like? Since the Oslo years (1990's) the hardline leadership has supported a 'cheese-block' policy. On the ground this has meant that Israel continues to build illegal settlements scattered across the West Bank, in essence cantonizing the Arab areas and in some cases completely surrounding them. Condaleeza Rice has taken objection to this, and rightly so, by asserting that it will be impossible for Palestinians to have a state if there is no continuity to their territory. Because a "Palestinian continuity is an Israeli discontinuity", the plan has metamorphosed into a contiguous model, meaning a 3-dimensional approach to the problem by building tunnels, bridges, and exclusive access roads around the Palestinian areas.
I want to highlight just two more points that our friend shared with us, the Wall and Israeli domestic support for peace. First, it was mentioned that the Wall has become very popular across the board in Israel, not only for security reasons, but by literally concretizing the idea of separation. Out of sight out of mind, as it were. The issue of Palestine has in the last several years become more of a nuisance to Israelis than much else, like a bout of excema that can cause some discomfort occasionally, but nothing a little cream can't soothe. Although most Americans may not be aware of it, in the 90's Israeli public opinion was in favor of peace via giving some attention to the Palestinian demands, namely statehood. Unfortunately, the Oslo process failed horribly during this period, which historians have now categorically proven was a result of Israeli manipulation and false commitments rather than Palestinian sabotage, and as a result of the frustration and worsening of conditions in the West Bank and Gaza, violence against Israel spiked. Now, years after the second Intifada, the number of Israelis who support peace with the Palestinians has become a very tiny minority, and mobilizing Israeli solidarity for the Palestinian cause might as well be a foregone conclusion aside from a very brave and forwar-thinking few.
This conflict is understandably complicated, though perhaps more in the differing perceptions it has imbibed than in the actual facts on the ground. In the last thirty years a wealth of archived material has surfaced from personal diaries, correspondence, and formal statements from the Israeli and Palestinian leadership, leading to the emergence of what has been termed the "new history" of the Israel/Palestine issue. This historical analysis has remained elusive in the US, but with this material historians from both communities have pieced together what they believe is a more accurate interpretation of historical events, and the above statements are born out of this area.
To understand the perceptions of the 'peace process' from the average Palestinian is perhaps most important, for these are the resilient people living under the occupation on a daily basis. Hope is a feeling that no one I have met here wants to relinquish, yet it was shared with me by a friend that to assume that they have anything to gain from the most recent peace effort would be exceedingly optimistic. The push for the Annapolis conference can be viewed more realistically as a temporary effort to appease the more significant players in the Middle East, such as Iran and Syria, and will very likely have little affect on the lives of the average Palestinians. The current peace process will most likely be based on the decades-old overwhelming power imbalance and the outcome will again be determined by Israel, with the US acting in a very limited way as a broker, though hardly the 'honest broker' that this conflict deserves.
There are hundreds of examples occurring on a daily basis, and endless more reaching back more than 60 years, that can express the challenges of living within an armed conflict environment. I have described my experiences at the checkpoints before, as well as a number of stories from others. These were my only frames of reference for understanding what life is like under occupation, but that all changed last night. Unfortunately, you just might have to wait for the next installment to come to know my first experience of a military incursion into the Dheisheh Refugee Camp.
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